~ Linn Maung ~
China’s new Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress, which came into force on July 1, marks a significant evolution in Beijing’s approach to ethnic governance. While Chinese authorities present it as a legal framework to strengthen national unity and social cohesion, the legislation also formalises an assimilation-first strategy that has drawn sharp criticism from Western governments and rights groups.
The law moves beyond managing ethnic relations to embedding the concept of a single Chinese national identity into the country’s legal and governance structure. According to an explanatory article published in the Beijing Daily by scholars from the Central Party School, the Communist Party’s premier ideological training institution, the legislation represents a shift from “transactional governance” of ethnic affairs to “holistic governance” centred on building a unified Chinese national community.
In practical terms, this reflects President Xi Jinping’s long-standing vision of forging a “strong sense of community for the Chinese nation.” Ethnic policy is no longer viewed merely as an administrative issue but as an integral component of national security, political stability and territorial integrity.
The legislation links ethnic affairs directly with China’s “overall national security” framework. It mandates patriotic education, promotes the nationwide use of standard Mandarin and provides legal mechanisms to hold individuals and organisations accountable for activities deemed to undermine ethnic unity or promote separatism, including actions carried out overseas. By elevating these principles into law, Beijing has transformed what were previously policy directives into legally enforceable obligations.
Party ethnologists argued that the legislation institutionalises years of policy experimentation. Previously, assimilation efforts relied on administrative measures and political campaigns. The new law, however, codifies those practices, ensuring they become permanent features of governance rather than initiatives dependent on local implementation or political priorities.
The legislation also reinforces policies already visible in regions such as Inner Mongolia, where Mandarin has increasingly replaced Mongolian as the medium of instruction for core school subjects, alongside tighter controls on cultural and artistic expression. Similar measures have been pursued in Tibet and Xinjiang, where Beijing argues that integration is essential for development, stability and national unity.
International reaction has been swift. The European Parliament has condemned the law as further institutionalising repression and forced assimilation of ethnic minorities, while the United States and European Union have expressed concern over its potential extraterritorial reach and its impact on cultural rights. Western governments have repeatedly accused China of pursuing cultural erasure, arbitrary detention and coercive assimilation in minority regions, allegations Beijing rejects as politically motivated.
Chinese officials insist the law protects minority cultures while strengthening national integration. Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiakun has dismissed Western criticism as an attempt to “smear China’s ethnic policies,” maintaining that all ethnic groups continue to enjoy legal protection for their languages and cultural traditions.
Yet the significance of the new legislation lies less in its stated objectives than in its legal architecture. By placing ethnic identity firmly within the framework of national security and codifying assimilation as state policy, Beijing has signalled that cultural integration is no longer simply an administrative priority, it is now a legal obligation backed by the authority of the state.
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